Big Time 1958 Chapter 221

   is really an alternative tradition. Does defeating the enemy have to be the same as the enemy's life? The benevolent sees the benevolent, the wise sees the wisdom, and the members of the religious committee who wear priests' robes and are familiar with various religious texts are doing the work of cleaning up these religious elements. In Shelov's view, it's good, and it can't be better.

In the evening, after inspecting the members of the Religious Affairs Committee, Serov proposed to KGB Chairman Shelepin that a Religious Affairs Department should be established in the General Directorate of Foreign Intelligence, which would become a department at the same level as the general bureau, and would be specialized in dealing with various foreign religious elements. The First General Administration's work all over the world opened the way. This process also requires Serov's analysis and persuasion, which is of course not a problem. The most thing he has done in the past few years is to persuade Serepin.

In view of the glorious history of the KGB, several leaders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, including Yagoda, Yezhov and Beria, were killed. The deaths of these predecessors gave Serov sufficient material to know what to do to save his own life and what not to do. What do you do, especially the material you get is that you must not expect to get a good reputation after entering the KGB work.

Yagoda, Yezhov and Beria, except for Yezhov in the middle, who can really be called murder without blinking, both Yagoda and Beria in the back, when implementing Stalin's orders, try to avoid it as much as possible. Involve the innocent. But the order is like this. Two people cannot resist the order of the general secretary. Not any general secretary is Stalin, and Stalin is not an ordinary general secretary. This can be seen from Beria's attitude before and after facing Khrushchev. come out.

The lessons of the death of the three predecessors told Serov, especially not to show kindness when it was unnecessary. Yagoda was cleaned up because he had been secretly fighting against Stalin's orders, and Beria's problem was even more serious. Khrushchev packed up before. The work being done is to limit the vast powers of the Ministry of the Interior. This is a particularly serious lesson for Serov, and now even Alexey's remnants of Beria. They all thought that their boss's behavior was very unacceptable.

One month before Beria was killed, Beria started to plan measures to reform the national security system, and implemented them in a short period of time. Operating and construction units” are forwarded to the various economic ministries. Within a month of Stalin's death, nearly 30 such large units were transferred, including the General Administration of Far East Construction, the General Administration of Special Petroleum Industry Construction, the General Administration of Highways, the General Administration of Railway Construction, and the General Administration of Forestry Industry. Later, also at Beria's initiative, the huge General Administration of Labor Camps and Correctional Institutions and their branches were handed over to the Ministry of Justice, while the Ministry of Internal Affairs only reserved special camps for "especially dangerous state criminals" and prisoners of war. A military criminal battalion for sentenced persons.

   A few days ago, Alexey told Serov that it was better than the KGB foreign companies that he had painstakingly run all over the world. At that time, the enterprises under the Ministry of Internal Affairs were more profitable and larger in scale. There are many internal affairs departments in the forestry and petroleum industries. Now some of Serov's actions are just to restore some functions of Beria's subordinates in the era of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At the beginning, even the nuclear industry was led by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The strength of the Ministry is far greater than it is now, and the KGB, which has re-merged the Ministry of Internal Affairs, has only just had a shadow of the original Ministry of Internal Affairs. It is not enough to use this institution to make people afraid to deal with him.

"At the beginning, we thought that after the death of the General Secretary, Khrushchev and Malenkov were not our opponents at all. At the same time, in the era of General Secretary Stalin, some cases were really bad, and the reputation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was really bad, so we started to restrict him. The department under my control did not expect this kind of initiative to express collective leadership, but it became the fuse to be removed." Alexey's advice often sounded in Serov's ears. "Yuri, the scope of the KGB's work can only get bigger and bigger. It can't be narrowed. It can't be financially independent if it can be financially independent, and it can't be handed over like a profitable enterprise in the hands of our boss."

   These words touched Serov quite a bit. It seems that Beria relented at the end, and was willing to change the bad reputation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and released a lot of rights belonging to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. But because of the first underestimation of the enemy, he paid the price of his life. The continuous killing of the seniors has given Serov enough experience and lessons to ensure his own interests, and he must firmly control the KGB. In the Beria era, the huge enterprises and independent judicial powers under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Serov has no way. After taking it back, there is no progress in China for the time being, and we can only think of ways from abroad.

Beria's authority can be reflected in one thing. A few months before his arrest, the then Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, former Minister of State Security Ignatyev and Deputy Minister of Li Ming was dismissed and arrested. Can the current Shelepin arrest the secretary of the Central Committee? Kozlov is the secretary of the Central Committee, and he is the immediate boss of Shelepin and the others. Shelepin has to inform Khrushchev even if he wants to clean up the GRU. It seems that the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs are almost the same in 1960. , in fact, in the eyes of Alexis and the others, it is still far behind.

"You set up a KGB surveillance network in enterprises across the country, which seems to be larger than ours at that time, but in fact, the KGB only had the right to supervise, and at that time, many enterprises of the Ministry of Internal Affairs belonged to us, and all profits belonged to us. Even if the state does not give us a cent of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, we can maintain our own organization. When will you be able to support all the current KGB personnel without spending a dime from the state, will you have the initial strength to protect yourself? At that time, what you need to be careful about is not the pressure of political means, take our boss as a lesson, be careful not to be assassinated by sudden opponents." This is Alexey's advice, don't underestimate the enemy like Beria.

Finances must be independent, and rights must be seized at every opportunity. What makes Serov ponder the most is Alexey's uncertain words. In addition to the subordinates of his own department, Beria seems to have a special consultation. The institution, which seems to mean something similar to the shadow cabinet, but in the end because he himself was killed, the institution did not work.

After    received Shelepin's approval, a new department was added to the work of the First General Administration to deal with religions all over the world. This department has never appeared in the First General Administration in Serov's memory. It was a breakthrough.

"The first secretary has been asking me if the size of the KGB can be smaller, and you are constantly expanding our department, which makes me very embarrassed!" Shelepin, who agreed with Shelov's suggestion, was also quite helpless. On the one hand, he knew that Serov's proposal is for the development of the KGB. On the other hand, he is also under the pressure of Khrushchev, and he has a feeling of being splinted.

"Work? This department is needed for work in the Middle East and many places. After all, the local religious forces are not small. How can you defeat the enemy if you don't understand the enemy?" Serov said seriously, "In my opinion, the first The General Administration should have such a department long ago, it is a pity that the Religious Affairs Commission only deals with domestic problems, it should play a bigger role..."

"You're right, we are an offensive department in the final analysis!" Xie Lepin recognized it very much, and then turned the conversation to another issue, "From tomorrow onwards, representatives of many allied countries will arrive, you go and receive them. Before the Eleventh Communist Party and Workers' Party Congress, we will finish the affairs of our intelligence field. We will be busy at that time..."

   "Understood!" Serov put on his big-brimmed hat, and the real busy thing was still to come. This time, the number of people at the World Communist Party Congress was much larger than last time, and there were more than 20 more parties. At the last Congress, only more than 60 countries participated. But it seems that this is also the last conference. If Serov remembers correctly, after this conference, because after the Sino-Soviet split, there will be no worldwide Communist Party and Workers' Party conferences. The so-called World Congress that followed was completely incomparable to the current Congress held by the Soviet Union. Usually there were fifty or sixty parties, less than 200 people in total. It's nothing compared to the size of a party that is now a huge delegation.

Two days later, Serov received the intelligence chiefs of the Allied countries on behalf of the Soviet National Security Council. Of course, old friends such as Ilysescu, Korzinski, Marcus and Lasak, needless to say, the new head of the Czechoslovakia Security Service Kapet. Hott is also a character welcomed by Serov. Among the so-called Warsaw Pact allies of the Soviet Union, the only countries that can really share the pressure are the GDR and Czechoslovakia. Other countries are really not very good in industry. Needless to say about problem children in Poland, except for the population, Poland has no place within the Warsaw Pact that is not bad. It is difficult to say whether Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria are helping or holding back.

It's not that Serov has prejudice against Poland. In terms of loyalty, there are Bulgaria in the Soviet Union, Romania in terms of spiritual outlook, and the Democratic Republic of Germany and Czechoslovakia in terms of industrial scale. After thinking about it for half a year, he did not think of any place in Poland that could help the Soviet Union. Maybe Those tens of millions of people are still useful.

   With the dark purpose of using the intelligence system to control these countries, Serov suddenly found that he was playing the role he usually despised most, taking the initiative to win over the colleagues of these allies and rush to bloodletting them. Most of the KGB's security cadres have returned to their posts. This time, for the meeting with the intelligence services of the Warsaw Pact allies, there is no need to go to the cinema, and even the KGB auditorium does not need to be moved. Find a large conference room to start. (To be continued~^~)

  PS: I also said to resume normal updates, but today there are two more chapters, hey…

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